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Who are the Hazaras

The Hazaras are often considered the third largest ethnic group in Afghanistan (around 25 percent), primarily located in the central region although with significant numbers scattered elsewhere across the country. As with other ethnic groups in Afghanistan, the exact size of the community is uncertain, since no inclusive census has been conducted transparently in Afghanistan. Hazaras are also a significant population inhabiting Pakistan and Iran, where they possibly exceed four million citizens and refugees. Afghanistan is home to over fifteen ethnicities, but the Pashtun/Afghan ethnicity has manipulated political power and state resources for more than two centuries. Despite this, Afghanistan remains one of the poorest countries in the world and faces serious challenges concerning insecurity, international terrorism, political instability, drug economy, and quality of education. Presently Afghanistan is controlled by the de-facto regime of the Taliban, well known for its policies that can be considered gender apartheid as well as the mono-ethnic nature of state authority. As such, Afghanistan lacks national and international legitimacy. The conflict in Afghanistan during the past 180 years has been affected by the involvement of external forces and organizations, and these external forces used Afghanistan as a buffer zone between global powers.

The formation of the modern state and today’s political territory begins in 1880, when the British installed Abdul Rahman Khan Pashtun/Afghan as the Amir of Kabul. He was recognized and named the Iron Amir, as he defeated forty-plus revolts with the help of British Annual Subsidies and weapons. As a result of these policies, hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children were slaughtered often because of their identity and beliefs, while thousands of other women and girls were forcibly married. The majority of them were sold into slavery at the Bazaars of Kabul, Kandahar, and Northern Afghanistan or abroad. Furthermore, hundreds of thousands of houses were intentionally destroyed by fire, and Jonathan states that more than 50 percent of the male Hazara population died (Lee, 2018, p. 399). The legacy and policies of this Amir have been continued by other rulers of Afghanistan, and the Hazaras have faced unrelenting human rights violations resulting in a prolong genocide spanning 130 years. The community has faced various atrocities, including ethnic cleansing, land confiscation, and institutional discrimination.

The Hazaras speak a dialect of Persian/Dari called Hazaragi and are predominantly followers of the Shiite (Jafari and Ismaili) sect of Islam although there are significant number of Sunni Muslim Hazaras inhabiting the Northwest, North and East of Afghanistan. Most Hazaras are a religious minority. Having this background, Hazaras have been violently suppressed by the central state since the last nineteenth century (1880s and 1900s) particularly between 1891-93, through genocidal massacres, mass slavery and mass depopulation. Arguably upwards of 60 percent of the Hazaras were killed by the state army and state-mobilized mercenaries.

After a century, between 1992 and late 2001, the Hazaras endured at least ten cases of massacre, nearly all of them well documented by international human rights organizations. During the Massacre in the Afshar neighborhood of Kabul, February 10-11, 1993, up to 2000 Hazara men and women were killed, and countless women raped by the Mujahidin state army, and the Taliban (1996-2001). In further instances of violence least 15,000 Hazaras were killed in central and northern Afghanistan.

After 9/11, Hazaras have been active participants in all democratic process, making their presence felt in elections since 2002. In the 2014 Afghanistan presidential election, over 1.5 million Hazaras cast their votes, constituting 22% of the total votes in the country. Hazara women have enjoyed greater freedom and have played vital roles in social, economic, and political positions. The Hazara commitment to education and peace is exemplified by the absence of major violence in their region and the lack of attacks on the U.S. and NATO forces since 2001.

Through systematic violence and discrimination against the Hazaras (2002-2023), the Hazara community faced over 300 documented incidents of targeted violence, resulting in 2500 deaths and over 3100 injuries. These attacks targeted Hazara civilians seemingly in reprisal for their excellence in the education and cultural sectors. This included targeted killings in maternity wards, educational centers, places of worship, sports clubs, weddings, funerals, protests, and public transit lines.

The US led coalition established a highly centralized government in 2001, that fell in August 2021. For this reason, there exists strong evidence suggesting that the previous Afghan governments actively pursued policies and actions that systematically discriminated against the Hazaras. One example of this is the alarming underrepresentation of Hazaras in government employment, despite their significant population and educational achievements. Institutional discrimination in the distribution of social services and development assistance in Hazara-populated region led to underdevelopment and a lack of basic infrastructure. After the transfer of power to the Taliban in August 2021, Hazara now face rapidly escalating targeted attacks, forced displacement, executions, and mass atrocities amounting to a systematic genocide characterized by intentional displacements and killings.

Nonetheless, the Hazaras have a rich history and culture, and their contributions to Afghanistan’s social, and political development cannot be overlooked. It is important to recognize and acknowledge the Hazara community’s struggles and work towards fighting discrimination, injustice and promoting greater understanding and support the modern democratic values. Furthermore, Hazara Diaspora struggles for justice in Afghanistan continue, both at the grassroots and political levels. Politically, the Hazaras have made numerous strides to make political structures more inclusive and meaningful by fighting, protesting, and participating in political processes.

During 2021-2021 Hazara supported the democratic process through media engagement, civil activism and were often considered major voices for liberal and democratic values. Hazara women became an emblem of struggles to break the socio-cultural barriers that restricted their participation within the public spaces and joined such socially conservative institutions as the police and the national army. As mentioned, Hazaras have been severely affected by the Taliban policies in all aspects of life and Hazara women lost their freedoms and rights compared to other ethnic groups. One of the consequences of the U.S. presence was the fall of a super-centralized government that impacted the life of a generation after the massive withdrawal of the U.S. and NATO forces in 2014. Obviously, the presence of international community seized the opportunity by way of education, where thousands of the Hazara boys and girls, in cities and rural areas entered schools and universities.

After the U.S. full exit, the Hazaras have been a strong proponent of a new political system which the Taliban view as a puppet government supported the West. As such the Hazaras have the most to lose to the religious and ethnic extremist groups. For instance, targeted killings of Hazara civilians have forced thousands of men, women, and children to flee the country and seek asylum in different countries including India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Turkey, and neighboring countries where UNHCR rarely operates and supports refugees.

In a mitigation strategy, to support Hazaras’ struggles for justice in Afghanistan, Hazara Resource Platform (HRP) was established in the United States and has representatives in numerous other countries. HRP is an interactive platform that facilitates and runs a wide range of activities e.g., research and studies, educational programs, awareness raising, cross-community dialogue, workshops, and conferences. HRP provides a platform for collaboration, communication, and engagement for a wide range of stakeholders, including researchers, nonprofit organizations, philanthropists, academic institutions, victims’ families, survivors, and other institutions.